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Announcement :: Politics
7/8: Building an Anarchist Movement in North America
30 Jun 2006
This talk will critically address contempory anarchist theory, practice,strategy, and tactics... and offer some thoughts on developing a more effective praxis for the anarchist movement in North America.
The Northeastern Federation of Anarchist-Communists (NEFAC) presents...

Building an Anarchist Movement in North America: Thoughts on Developing Effective Praxis

w/ Paul Finch

Saturday, July 8th, 4pm

Lucy Parsons Center
549 Columbus Ave.
Boston, MA

This talk will critically address contempory anarchist theory, practice, strategy, and tactics... and offer some thoughts on developing a more effective praxis for the anarchist movement in North America.

Paul Finch has been involved with numerous strikes and anti-war actions and has been in the anti-globalization movement, participating
in the street protests that accompanied the 2001 Summit of the Americas in Quebec City. He is also a founding member of the Northwest
Anarchist Federation, and currently a rank and file worker and belongs to the BC Government and Service Employee's Union [BCGEU Local 1201], where he is both a shop steward at his worksite, and a member of the executive
for the 4500-person strong BCGEU 1201 Local.

During the recent BC Teacher's Federation strike against the government, he helped organize wildcat pickets throughout the city,
with NAF targeting and picketing down a specific area. His workplace, like most unionized public and private workplaces in Victoria, went out on wildcat strike.

"Operation Sold Out II: The Failed General Strike in British Columbia in 2004", Paul Finch, Northeastern Anarchist #10
http://nefac.net/node/1947
See also:
http://www.nefac.net
http://www.lucyparsons.org

This work is in the public domain
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Anarchism is garbage
30 Jun 2006
Puh-leeze. Grow up and get honest, you're all just reformists who like the color black.

Role of the Anarchists [in the Spanish Civil War]
by me, Leo Trotsky

The Anarchists had no independent position of any kind in the Spanish revolution. All they did was waver between Bolshevism and Menshevism. More precisely, the Anarchist workers instinctively yearned to enter the Bolshevik road (July 19, 1936, and May days of 1937) while their leaders, on the contrary, with all their might drove the masses into the camp of the Popular Front, i.e., of the bourgeois regime.

The Anarchists revealed a fatal lack of understanding of the laws of the revolution and its tasks by seeking to limit themselves to their own trade unions, that is, to organizations permeated with the routine of peaceful times, and by ignoring what went on outside the framework of the trade unions, among the masses, among the political parties, and in the government apparatus. Had the Anarchists been revolutionists, they would first of all have called for the creation of soviets, which unite the representatives of all the toilers of city and country, including the most oppressed strata, who never joined the trade unions. The revolutionary workers would have naturally occupied the dominant position in these soviets. The Stalinists would have remained an insignificant minority. The proletariat would have convinced itself of its own invincible strength. The apparatus of the bourgeois state would have hung suspended in the air. One strong blow would have sufficed to pulverize this apparatus. The socialist revolution would have received a powerful impetus. The French proletariat would not for long permitted Leon Blum to blockade the proletariat revolution beyond the Pyrenees. Neither could the Moscow bureaucracy have permitted itself such a luxury. The most difficult questions would have been solved as they arose.

Instead of this, the anarcho-syndicalists, seeking to hide from “politics” in the trade unions, turned out to be, to the great surprise of the whole world and themselves, a fifth wheel in the cart of bourgeois democracy. But not for long; a fifth wheel is superfluous. After Garcia Oliver and his cohorts helped Stalin and his henchmen to take power away from the workers, the anarchists themselves were driven out of the government of the Popular Front. Even then they found nothing better to do than jump on the victor’s bandwagon and assure him of their devotion. The fear of the petty bourgeois before the big bourgeois, of the petty bureaucrat before the big bureaucrat, they covered up with lachrymose speeches about the sanctity of the united front (between a victim and the executioners) and about the inadmissibility of every kind of dictatorship, including their own. “After all, we could have taken power in July 1936..." “After all, we could have taken power in May 1937...” The Anarchists begged Stalin-Negrin to recognize and reward their treachery to the revolution. A revolting picture!

In and of itself, this self-justification that “we did not seize power not because we were unable but because we did not wish to, because we were against every kind of dictatorship,” and the like, contains an irrevocable condemnation of anarchism as an utterly anti-revolutionary doctrine. To renounce the conquest of power is voluntarily to leave the power with those who wield it, the exploiters. The essence of every revolution consisted and consists in putting a new class in power, thus enabling it to realize its own program in life. It is impossible to wage war and to reject victory. It is impossible to lead the masses towards insurrection without preparing for the conquest power.

No one could have prevented the Anarchists after the conquest of power from establishing the sort of regime they deem necessary, assuming, of course, that their program is realizable. But the Anarchist leaders themselves lost faith in it. They hid from power not because they are against “every kind of dictatorship"—in actuality, grumbling and whining, they supported and still support the dictatorship of Stalin-Negrin—but because they completely lost their principles and courage, if they ever had any. They were afraid of everything: “isolation,” “involvement,” “fascism." They were afraid of France and England. More than anything these phrasemongers feared the revolutionary masses.

The renunciation of the conquest of power inevitably throws every workers’ organization into the swamp of reformism and turns it into a toy of the bourgeoisie; it cannot be otherwise in view of the class structure of society. In opposing the goal, the conquest of power, the Anarchists could not in the end fail to oppose the means, the revolution. The leaders of the CNT and FAI not only helped the bourgeoisie hold on to the shadow of power in July 1936; they also helped it to reestablish bit by bit what it had lost at one stroke. In May 1937, they sabotaged the uprising of the workers and thereby saved the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Thus anarchism, which wished merely to be anti-political, proved in reality to be anti-revolutionary and in the more critical moments- counterrevolutionary.

The Anarchist theoreticians, who after the great test of 1931-37 continue to repeat the old reactionary nonsense about Kronstadt, and who affirm that “Stalinism is the inevitable result of Marxism and Bolshevism," simply demonstrate by this they are forever dead for the revolution.

You say that Marxism is in itself depraved and Stalinism is its legitimate progeny? But why are we revolutionary Marxists engaged in mortal combat with Stalinism throughout the world? Why does the Stalinist gang see in Trotskyism it chief enemy? Why does every approach to our views or our methods of action (Durruti, Andres, Nin, Landau, and others) compel the Stalinist gangsters to resort to bloody reprisals. Why, on the other hand, did the leaders of Spanish anarchism serve, during the time of the Moscow and Madrid crimes of the GPU, as ministers under Caballero-Negrin, that is as servants of the bourgeoisie and Stalin? Why even now, under the pretext of fighting fascism, do the Anarchists remain voluntary captives of Stalin-Negrin, the executioners of the revolution, who have demonstrated their incapacity to fight fascism?

By hiding behind Kronstadt and Makhno, the attorneys of anarchism will deceive nobody. In the Kronstadt episode and the struggle with Makhno, we defended the proletarian from the peasant counterrevolution. The Spanish Anarchists defended and continue to defend bourgeois counterrevolution from the proletariat revolution. No sophistry will delete from the annals of history the fact that anarchism and Stalinism in the Spanish revolution were on one side of the barricades while the working masses with the revolutionary Marxists were on the other. Such is the truth which will forever remain in the consciousness of the proletariat!
See also:
http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1931/1931-spain06.htm
yawn. yawn. yawn!!!
01 Jul 2006
Wah... but what about 1936... wahhh... haha, I love Trotskyists. Middle class college brats repping Mickey Mouse politics wrapped up in some dusty old rhetoric from nearly a century ago. Funny stuff.

Don't worry, alot of us anarchists have the same criticisms of the bourgeoise collaboration of the Spanish anarchos of yester-year... but y'know, we live in the here and now, so we try and adapt accordingly. You should try it sometime.