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Announcement :: International
An Evening in Solidarity with Socialist Cuba
16 Aug 2006
Thursday, August 17
7-9:00 pm
(dinner will be served at 6:30pm)
284 Amory St. (the Brewery), JP
childcare donation
081706_flyer.jpg
Almost from day one, when Fidel Castro, Haydee Santamaria, Che Guevara and the people of Cuba overthrew the corrupt, criminal Batista regime in 1959, revolutionary Cuba has had to defend itself from U.S. imperialism. The CIA uses right-wing organizations in Miami to carry out terrorist actions such as blowing up airplanes and bombing hotels in Cuba. Instead of arresting them, in 1998 the FBI arrested 5 Cubans on frame-up terrorist charges for monitoring the activities of these terrorist organizations. A federal court just ruled that the Cuban 5 do not deserve a new trial even though their convictions were thrown out by a lower court last year.

In the face of invasion, U.S. sponsored terrorism, and the economic blockade, Cuba has shown that even under adverse external conditions, a socialist revolution can liberate the resources of society to be used first and foremost to advance the health, education and security of the people.

Today, as Fidel Castro recuperates, the U.S. has stepped up it's attempts to overthrow the communist government of Cuba. We must stand up and make it crystal clear to Bush and Wall Street that we are in solidarity with socialist Cuba and demand: U.S. HANDS OFF CUBA! FREE THE CUBAN 5!

Speakers

Teresa Guitierez - WWP National Committee Member; Coordinator of the NY Free the Five Committee
Tony Van Der Meer - Prof. Africana Studies UMass Boston*; Co-Chair Boston Rosa Parks Human Rights Day Committee*
Jorge Marin - MLK, Jr. Bolivarian Circle*
Nalda Vigezzi - July 26th Coalition*
Ahmad Kawash - Palestinian American Congress *
Dorotea Manuela - Puerto Rican Activist
Josue Renaud - New England Human Rights Organization for Haiti*
Askia Toure - Poet; Activist


* id only
See also:
http://www.workers.org

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Defenders of the stalinist bureaucracy, betrayers of the workers
16 Aug 2006
Modified: 01:56:40 PM
The stalinist WWP is debauching the name of socialism and confusing the workers when it calls Cuba "socialist". Their uncritical support for the castroite bureaucracy, that politically expropriated the revolutionary victory of the Cuban people, only paves the way for the counterrevolution they claim to oppose. The defense and strengthening of the Cuban revolution is inseparable from fight for political revolution in Cuba to destroy the privileges of the bureaucracy, along with socialist revolution in the capitalist countries. WWP, as evidenced by its popular front politics at home and abroad, is not serious about either.

Real solidarity does not mean shutting your eyes, turning off your brain, and repeating whatever Granma says. Here are two articles from the Argentinian Trotskyists that present a much more honest, and revolutionary, perspective on the situation in Cuba than you will ever read from the cynical stalinists at Workers World.

What the transfer of power in Cuba means

By Diego Dalai, From La Verdad Obrera (Buenos Aires), August 3, 2006

Unexpectedly, after his participation in the MERCOSUR Summit in Córdoba and in the commemoration ceremonies of July 26 in Cuba, on August 1, it was announced that Fidel Castro was delegating power to his brother Raúl, because of an urgent operation that he had to undergo. The news quickly went around the world and became the source of every kind of speculation over the future of the leader and above all of the direction the country would take.

What is certain is that the deed has now opened a new political moment in Cuba with repercussions beyond its borders. For the first time in almost 50 years, there is a transfer of power and various actors have now begun to show their cards for Cuba's political and social future.

The US is maintaining its hard line in favor of Castro's departure and a "democratic transition," without ruling out any measure. Last month the Bush administration revealed its plans for destabilizing Cuba through its Assistance Commission for a Free Cuba, that decided to earmark 80 million dollars for the task, to finance oppositional groups and activities. And on August 1, the White House spokesman stated, "we cannot speculate about Castro's health, but we continue working for a free Cuba" (The Guardian, August 2, 2006).

However, more lucid and less adventuristic voices are also heard in the heart of imperialism: "Washington should make plans to establish contacts with the successors . . . a prompt lifting of the economic embargo could strengthen the mistreated Cuban middle class and help it to play a more active role in the future political transition" (The New York Times, August 2, 2006).

Spanish imperialism, closely connected to Cuba and a necessary link between Cuba and Europe, displayed a conciliatory policy by expressing its desire for Castro's "quick recovery," although Diego López Garrido, the spokesman of the [social democratic] PSOE in the Congress of Deputies, expressed the desire of his party that Cuba would head towards "a full democracy that does not now exist" (Europe Press, August 2, 2006).

The "democratic transition" that all the wings of imperialism (US or European) are hawking, is the formulation that conceals the real objective, the destruction of the conquests of the revolution, of the Cuban workers' state, in spite of its bureaucratic character, and the re-colonization of Cuba by the big monopolies and imperialism.

The Castro-ite bureaucracy, for its part, is trying to show that nothing serious is taking place, that the delegation of power is "provisional," and that it is set in the framework of the legal line of succession. Its policy is one of an "orderly succession," that permits the bureaucracy to stay in power and, by keeping the masses under strict control, to officiate as a dialogue-partner with the imperialist interests. It would be a "Castroism without Castro" with which they will try to keep their enormous privileges that they get from their connections to foreign investment, from hierarchical posts in the state enterprises connected to exports and tourism or from the profits that the black market yields.

However, the "succession" would give a much weaker regime without the irreplaceable figure of Fidel, which would probably weaken the bureaucracy's relation with the masses and unleash the internal struggle for spaces of power for its different wings. In addition, as we have seen, the "succession" does not have the backing of the United States, at least for now.

We revolutionary socialists of the PTS clearly reject any attempt by imperialism to take advantage of the situation to expedite a policy favorable to its interests. Faced with any imperialist provocation, we are for the defense of the Cuban revolution. At the same time, the continuation of the Castro-ite bureaucracy, of a "Castroism without Castro" or with his brother, can only weaken the Cuban workers' state by opening the way for the restorationist forces to grow stronger.

As we said some years ago, "the revolution is still alive. Neither the imperialist blockade nor the disastrous bureaucratic leadership has yet been able to exhaust its strength . . . In case of military aggression we would be unconditionally on the side of Cuba for the defeat of imperialism. But in no case would it mean giving political support to the Castro-ite leadership, which is leading the conquests of the revolution to ruin, demoralizing the masses and opening the road to the restoration of capitalism. It is not possible to separate the struggle against imperialism from the tasks of the political revolution by leaving this for a 'second stage.' The defense of the revolution puts front and center and has as its condition, the intransigent struggle against domination by the bureaucracy and for a regime of workers' democracy . . . based on organs of workers' power, democratically organized from below to above, made up of directly elected representatives, with a mandate from the base, representatives that can be recalled at any moment and who do not earn more than a skilled worker gets." 1

1 Eduardo Molina, "Cuba en la encrucijada," Estrategia International 20, September, 2003, pages 173 and 174.

* Full political and organizational freedoms for the workers and political parties that defend the revolution! For the right to strike and self-government for the unions, factory committees or other forms that the workers desire!
* A radical revision of the economic policy of concessions to foreign capital! Workers' control of industry and administration of resources! Down with the privileges of the bureaucracy!
* No to the policy of peaceful coexistence with imperialism and support for the "friendly" bourgeoisies of the Third World! The defense of the Cuban Revolution is inextricably linked to the victory of workers and poor peasants in Latin America and the world!
* For a government of workers', peasants' and soldiers' councils!

Read the Dossier on Cuba in Estrategia Internacional 20, available at www.ft-ci.org

---

Bourgeois Democracy, Castroism, and Political Revolution

A note from La Verdad Obrera 199, August 10, 2006

The celebrations by Cuban counterrevolutionaries and the Bush administration over the supposed end of the "tyranny," coming soon, show the death cult that the imperialists and those who tie their fate to them, exude.

Where does such hatred and revenge seeking originate? With the fact that in Cuba a social revolution put an end to the colonial power of the empire and expropriated the bourgeoisie and landowners. Fidel Castro is for them the symbol of the revolution that ended their rule. Hypocritically they raise freedom and bourgeois democracy as the political banner of capitalist restoration.

Meanwhile, the international friends and allies of Castroism pay homage to the greatness of Castro and of his temporary successors. They identify the Cuban revolution with the head of state. They reject criticism of the lack of democracy and justify the dictatorial, one-party regime in the name of the social conquests that the revolution entailed.

Even further, some people maintain that with Fidel, Cuba is experiencing its "transition to socialism." (1) For Marxists this would mean that the revolution is being extended internationally, that the vestiges of capitalism are disappearing, and that the state is tending to dissolve its functions within society. But Castro's bureaucracy has collaborated in averting revolution in Latin America (Chile, Nicaragua, El Salvador), and in the 90's through market reforms the Cuban bureaucracy permitted the development of internal hostile forces, with the corruption in the leading groups and a widening of the breach in society.

Castro's succession, decided in secret, behind the backs of the Cuban people, shows a bureaucratic regime that is blocking the transition to socialism, which is built in a conscious and self-determined manner by the masses. Clearly, the bureaucracy turns to the masses when it senses danger or it becomes necessary to demand sacrifices of the masses. When Pérez Roque condemns the US for seeking to "take away lands, houses and schools from Cubans, in order to return them to their old owners from the Batista period," he is appealing to the consciousness of Cuban workers and peasants that, having achieved these conquests, are the ones who have a real interest in defending – and have defended for these 47 years – the workers' state. And if they have tolerated the bureaucracy until now, it is because they consider it to be a guardian of their conquests. But this appeal is for the masses to close ranks wit the bureaucracy and not for them to express and organize themselves freely, with the masses themselves assuming the functions of the state. Because of all this, Cuba constitutes a deformed workers' state. (2)

The Cuban revolution constituted an enormous historical conquest for Cuban workers and peasants and for the Latin American masses, because it created the first workers' state on our continent. We defend Cuba unconditionally against any imperialist aggression. We reject the colonizing aims concealed by the banner of bourgeois democracy in Cuba. But one must oppose this trap, not with the one-party dictatorship, but with workers' and peasants' struggle for democracy, for the broadest political and organizational freedoms, offering freedom of action and legality to all the workers' and peasants' parties that defend the revolution (particularly the Trotskyists), in this way, imposing workers' and peasants' control over all areas of the economy to fight corruption and enrichment.

The best defense of the conquests of the revolution passes through the mobilization of workers and peasants in Latin America against imperialism and the venal bourgeoisies and in Cuba through a political revolution that will impose the real revolutionary power of the councils of workers, peasants and soldiers where all the workers' and peasants' parties that defend the revolution can act freely.

[1] Atilio Boron. Es la transición ¡estúpido! www.rebelion.org.

[2] We say that Cuba is a deformed workers' state because the bourgeoisie and the landowners were expropriated through the conquest of political power in the 1959 Revolution, productive property was nationalized, the state monopoly over foreign trade was imposed, and planning was instituted as the means of economic policy. The "deformed" character of the Cuban workers' state is determined by the fact that at the head of the state is a bureaucracy that prevents the direct exercise of power by workers and peasants, gets its privileges by leading this state, and acts as a conservative factor on the social order, and in the terrain of class struggle in Latin America and internationally.
See also:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/labor_action/